By Saturnin M. Agramako and Aquinata N. Agonga

Despite global advancements in gender equality, women continue to be significantly underrepresented in political decision-making roles, prompting many countries to adopt gender quotas as a means of promoting women’s political participation. In Africa, where gender disparities in political representation are pronounced, the implementation of gender quotas has gained momentum. This paper examines the impact of gender quotas on women’s political engagement in Africa, with case studies focusing on Rwanda and Tanzania. Rwanda has emerged as a standout example, achieving over 60% female representation in parliament through strong political will, supportive legal frameworks, and collaboration between government and civil society. In contrast, Tanzania’s experience with gender quotas has been more gradual, facing challenges such as structural barriers and cultural norms. Through a comparative analysis of these experiences, this paper highlights lessons learned and provides recommendations, emphasizing the importance of political commitment, collaboration, inclusive policies, addressing societal attitudes, and tackling structural barriers to foster gender parity in political representation and promote more inclusive democracies across Africa.

 

Introduction

 

Gender inequality in political representation remains a pervasive issue worldwide, with women consistently underrepresented in decision-making positions, despite advancements in gender equality (James et al., 2023). These disparities persist, hindering the realization of truly inclusive and representative governance, and perpetuating systemic inequalities and marginalization. In response to the persistent gender gap in political representation, countries have employed various strategies to promote women’s participation in politics, ranging from targeted recruitment and training programs to legislative reforms aimed at enhancing gender equality. Among these strategies, gender quotas have emerged as a prominent tool for addressing gender disparities in political representation, mandating a minimum percentage of women’s participation in political decision-making bodies to ensure their voices are heard and their perspectives considered in governance processes.

In Africa, where gender disparities in political representation are particularly stark, the adoption of gender quotas has gained traction as a means to promote women’s political participation.

Many African countries are implementing gender quota policies in their electoral systems to redress historical imbalances and create opportunities for women to engage actively in political processes (Fayomi et al., 2021). Two countries, Rwanda and Tanzania, have garnered significant attention for their respective experiences with gender quotas and their impact on women’s political participation. Rwanda stands out as a compelling case study for examining the impact of gender quotas on women’s political participation in Africa. Following the devastating genocide in 1994, Rwanda embarked on a path of political reconstruction, prioritizing inclusivity and gender equality. The country’s adoption of gender quotas, particularly in its parliamentary elections, has led to remarkable gains in women’s representation, making Rwanda a global leader in terms of female political participation. Tanzania, on the other hand, has implemented gender quotas in recent years, albeit facing challenges and limitations in their implementation and effectiveness.

Through a comparative analysis of Rwanda and Tanzania gender quota experiences, this paper will begin with a literature review on gender inequality in political representation and the implementation of gender quotas in Africa. It will then delve into a comparative analysis of Rwanda and Tanzania gender quota experiences, focusing on lessons learned, recommendations, and conclusions drawn from these two countries’ experiences.

  • Review

  • Gender inequality in political representation

 

Throughout history, women have been systematically underrepresented in political decision-making positions across the globe (Teele, Kalla & Rosenbluth, 2018). This underrepresentation is deeply rooted in patriarchal systems and societal norms that have historically relegated women to subordinate roles in public life. For centuries, political power has been concentrated in the hands of men, with women often excluded from formal political institutions and processes. Even as women have made strides in various spheres of society, including education and employment, their representation in political leadership positions has remained disproportionately low. This historical pattern of exclusion has perpetuated systemic inequalities and hindered progress towards gender equality in politics (Connell, 1990).

According to Ilesanmi (2018), women encounter numerous challenges when seeking to access political decision-making positions. These challenges arise from entrenched gender biases, discriminatory practices, and structural barriers within political systems. One significant challenge is the prevalence of gender stereotypes and perceptions that undermine women’s leadership abilities and suitability for political office. These stereotypes contribute to biases in candidate selection processes, making it more difficult for women to secure nominations and endorsements from political parties. Additionally, women often face unequal access to resources and support networks compared to their male counterparts, limiting their ability to fundraise, campaign effectively, and build political alliances (Ogunbodede, 2023). Moreover, institutionalized sexism and gender-based violence can deter women from entering politics or speaking out on certain issues, further marginalizing them within political spheres (Work, 2023).

In addition, women encounter various challenges to their political inclusion, stemming from factors such as socio-economic status, educational opportunities, ethnic background, and cultural norms, which vary significantly between countries and evolve over time. Shvedova (2005) highlights five key obstacles in women’s political participation: the dominance of a ‘masculine model’ in political structures and elected bodies, inadequate support from political parties, restricted access to political networks, limited collaboration with other public organizations, and insufficient access to education and training programs tailored for women’s leadership roles. Additionally, the electoral system itself may present barriers that either facilitate or hinder women’s candidacy and success in elections. These barriers collectively impede women’s ability to fully participate and thrive in the political sphere, highlighting the complex and multifaceted nature of gender inequality in politics. Socio-economic barriers stem from the social and economic status of women, with the majority engaged in low-productivity activities and the informal sector, resulting in limited financial resources (Shvedova, 2005). Additionally, traditional roles of women as caregivers and mothers restrict their involvement in the public sphere, reinforcing cultural patterns that portray women as apolitical.

Recent studies highlight the underrepresentation of women in political and leadership roles in Nigeria, with only a small fraction holding positions in the Senate and House of Representatives (Damilola, 2021). Accordingly, this disparity can be attributed to multiple factors related to political party systems and structures. High political costs deter women from running for positions, as they often lack the financial resources to afford mandatory expression of interest and nomination forms required by political parties. Furthermore, exorbitant election

campaign costs pose additional barriers, exacerbated by poor access to education leading to limited opportunities for gainful employment.

Along the same idea, Krook and Norris (2014) argue that interventions to address historical gender disparities in political representation are essential for building more inclusive and representative democracies. By dismantling barriers and promoting gender equality in politics, societies can harness the full potential of all citizens to shape the future of governance and ensure equal opportunities for all.

  • Implementation of gender quotas in Africa

 

Many African nations have implemented various forms of gender quotas, including legislative quotas, party quotas, and reserved seats for women in elected bodies. These quota policies are often introduced through constitutional reforms, electoral laws, or political party regulations, signaling a commitment to promoting gender equality in politics at both national and local levels. According to Shangare (2022), gender quota systems in Africa encompass a diversity of approaches tailored to specific contexts and political structures. Legislative quotas mandate a certain percentage of seats in legislative bodies to be reserved for women, typically through electoral systems or electoral laws, while party quotas require political parties to nominate a certain percentage of women candidates for elections, ensuring gender-balanced candidate lists. Additionally, some countries implement reserved seats for women in elected bodies, guaranteeing women’s representation through designated positions. The introduction of gender quotas in African countries is motivated by the recognition that traditional electoral systems often fail to produce adequate representation of women in political decision-making bodies (Dahlerup, 2005).

According to Brody, Burnley and Phyu (2016), quotas serve as a form of affirmative action aimed at addressing systemic and institutional barriers to women’s parliamentary representation, ensuring a minimum percentage of women and men are present in legislatures. For them, quotas are also utilized to overcome obstacles to the political representation of other marginalized groups. Quotas are implemented in three primary forms: reserved seats, legislative quotas, and voluntary party quotas (Bush, 2011). Reserved seats are enshrined in a country’s constitution and allocate a certain number or percentage of parliamentary seats exclusively for specific groups, such as women. Legislative quotas require political parties to nominate a certain proportion of women as candidates for election, although they do not guarantee women’s representation in parliament. On the other hand, voluntary party quotas are

adopted voluntarily by political parties and may include recommendations or mandatory rules regarding the proportion of women candidates nominated or preselected by the party (Bush, 2011).

Similarly, Bosha (2014) contends that quotas have been instrumental in promoting women’s involvement in political leadership in Africa, leading to the passage of gender-sensitive laws that reserve parliamentary seats for women and encourage political parties to nominate female candidates for certain constituencies. International IDEA has identified the most common types of political quotas used to address the under-representation of women in parliament, including reserved seats, legislative candidate quotas, and voluntary party quotas (McCann, 2013). Reserved seats are mandated by a country’s constitution, allocating parliamentary seats exclusively for specific groups, while legislative quotas require political parties to nominate a certain proportion of women candidates for election. Voluntary party quotas, adopted voluntarily by political parties, aim to increase women’s representation within the party’s candidate lists. These quota systems play a crucial role in enhancing gender equality in political representation, with both legal candidate quotas and voluntary political party quotas being widely utilized among the top-ranked countries for women’s representation in national parliaments (McCann, 2013).

For instance, the introduction of women in political decision-making or gender quotas can be attributed to five primary factors, as highlighted by González (2018). Firstly, gender quotas emerged as a result of recognition of various international conventions such as the CEDAW, the Beijing Platform for Action, and regional agreements like the SADC, ECOWAS, and the African Union. Secondly, women’s organizations played a crucial role in increasing awareness among women about their significant numbers and potential influence in politics, inspiring them to challenge the political structures perpetuating their underrepresentation. In Senegal, for instance, women’s movements, with support from political elites and international norms, successfully advocated for one of the world’s most radical gender quota laws. Thirdly, countries emerging from conflict situations are more inclined to adopt gender quotas, as evidenced by Mozambique. Since gaining independence in 1975, Mozambique has enshrined gender equality principles in its constitution, prioritized women’s literacy, and worked to eliminate discrimination against women. Fourthly, state objectives also play a role in the adoption of gender quotas for political purposes. In Uganda, for example, women elected through reserved seats are viewed as being rewarded for their loyalty to the president, but this has led to the passage of anti-democratic and anti-legislative measures. Lastly, the democratic movement has

breathed new life into women’s organizations, allowing for cooperation across party lines. The Women’s Political Party Organization (FPP) in Guinea is a prime example, seeking to forge synergies between women’s NGOs and politicians, mitigate rivalries, and strengthen cooperation among women’s organizations (González, 2018).

Although, gender quotas are viewed as a necessary corrective measure to address historical gender disparities and promote gender equality in politics. By mandating a minimum level of female representation, gender quotas aim to diversify political leadership, amplify women’s voices, and ensure that women’s perspectives are taken into account in governance processes. Despite their potential benefits, the implementation of gender quotas in Africa faces various challenges and criticisms. One common criticism is that gender quotas may be perceived as undermining merit-based principles and tokenizing women candidates, leading to concerns about the quality and legitimacy of women’s representation. Additionally, resistance from political parties and entrenched patriarchal attitudes within society can hinder the effective implementation of gender quota policies (Okedele, 2021).

  • Gender Quota Experiences in Rwanda and Tanzania

  • Rwanda’s gender quota experience

 

Following the tragic genocide in 1994, Rwanda embarked on extensive political reconstruction endeavors to rebuild the nation and foster reconciliation. The aftermath of the genocide, which claimed hundreds of thousands of lives, left deep scars on the country. In response, the Rwandan government initiated a series of political and social reforms aimed at addressing the root causes of the conflict and promoting unity among the population (Rwigema, 2022). These efforts included the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms, ethnic reconciliation initiatives, and reforms within political institutions to ensure greater inclusivity and representation. One pivotal aspect of Rwanda’s post-genocide reconstruction was the implementation of gender quotas in the political system. Enshrined in the 2003 constitution, these quotas mandated a minimum of 30% female representation across all decision-making organs, including parliament (Mukabera, 2019). This constitutional provision paved the way for the adoption of gender quota laws and electoral reforms aimed at boosting women’s participation in politics. Consequently, Rwanda made history by becoming the first country with a female-majority parliament, with women occupying over 60% of seats in the lower house (Olubayo, 2020). The impact of gender quotas on women’s political participation and

representation in Rwanda has been profound. The increased representation of women in parliament has surpassed that of many developed nations, offering women greater opportunities to engage in decision-making processes, advocate for their rights, and contribute to national development. Moreover, the presence of women in political leadership positions has been linked to improved policy outcomes and a more inclusive political culture. Several factors have contributed to the success of Rwanda’s gender quota system, including strong political will and commitment, support from civil society organizations and international partners, and robust legal frameworks and electoral systems (Boahemaa, 2022).

From 2003 onwards, the impact of political quotas on Rwandan society has been evident across three main areas, as highlighted by Elgie (2014). Firstly, concerning the culture of parliament, the participation of women in decision-making processes has brought about significant changes. Contrary to past perceptions, Rwandan female deputies have not been confined to traditional roles but have assumed key positions across various sectors. Notably, women hold significant portfolios such as the Minister for Education, Science, Technology, and Research, indicating a departure from conventional norms. Moreover, there has been a noticeable improvement in the social climate within parliament, with reports indicating a positive shift in parliamentary culture. The increased presence of women has fostered a sense of comfort and confidence among parliamentarians, leading to greater participation and collaboration between men and women deputies. This improved collaboration reflects a broader transformation in the relationship dynamics within parliament since the introduction of gender quotas.

In terms of the political agenda, Rwandan women have experienced a remarkable shift in their roles and aspirations, particularly following the devastating experiences of genocide and civil war Villaverde, 2023). Formerly reliant on men for access to livelihood resources, women have assumed newfound responsibilities in both domestic and public spheres. This shift has led to advocacy for women’s economic empowerment, with a focus on supporting women entrepreneurs and promoting education for girls and women. The Rwandan government’s implementation of women-friendly policies and initiatives has significantly contributed to enhancing women’s economic autonomy and promoting access to education. Consequently, there has been a notable increase in female participation in education, challenging traditional gender roles and empowering women to pursue economic independence and entrepreneurship opportunities (Senent-Venerdi, 2023).

In terms of public policy, the implementation of gender quotas has influenced legislative decision-making processes in Rwanda. Clayton (2021) suggests that quotas can impact policy by signaling a commitment to gender equality, prompting changes in legislative behavior and priorities. Additionally, the increased representation of women in legislatures has led to a shift in legislative preferences and priorities, particularly concerning issues affecting women’s rights and empowerment. Rwandan women in government have actively collaborated with civil society to advocate for policy changes, such as the passage of inheritance laws that promote gender equality. This collaborative approach, coupled with strong endorsement from political authorities, has reinforced the acceptance of women as legitimate political agents at the local level. Consequently, women’s increased representation has resulted in their enhanced engagement across all levels of governance structures, as evidenced by their participation as elected officials at the cell, sector, and district levels (Villaverde, 2023).

However, despite its successes, Rwanda’s gender quota system faces challenges and limitations. Critics argue that while quotas have boosted women’s representation in formal political institutions, they may not necessarily translate into substantive gender equality at the grassroots level. Concerns also exist regarding the sustainability of the quota system and potential backlash against women in leadership roles. Additionally, patriarchal attitudes, limited access to resources, and cultural barriers continue to hinder women’s full participation in politics, underscoring the need for ongoing efforts to address these challenges and foster a more inclusive political environment (Fellegi, Hrbková & Dubrow, 2023).

  • Tanzanian gender quota experience

 

Tanzania’s recent adoption of gender quotas represents a significant milestone in the country’s efforts to promote women’s political participation and representation. The introduction of special parliamentary seats in 1985, initially intended to ensure the voices of special categories of citizens, including women, were heard in parliament, laid the foundation for subsequent quota measures (Ocran, 2014). Tanzania became a trailblazer in East Africa by enacting a 20% constitutional quota in 1998, signalling a commitment to increasing women’s political representation (African Barometer, 2021).

The Tanzanian legislature comprises various types of MPs, including constituency MPs, reserved-seat MPs, MPs elected by the Zanzibar House of Representatives, MPs nominated by the president, and the attorney general as an ex-officio member. The inclusion of reserved-seat

MPs, specifically designated for women, underscores the government’s recognition of the importance of gender diversity in political decision-making processes (Wang & Yoon, 2018).

Currently, the Tanzanian Parliament consists of 393 seats, with 113 seats specifically reserved for women (Lihiru, 2022). These reserved seats, combined with the appointment of women councilors at the local level, contribute to the overall goal of achieving gender balance in political representation. Additionally, the quota system serves as a mechanism to establish proportional and equal representation, ensuring that women have a meaningful presence in decision-making bodies.

According to Mbunda, Phillipo and Nzali (2023), the implementation of gender quotas in Tanzania has had a tangible impact on women’s political participation at various levels of government. The allocation of reserved seats for women in the Tanzanian Parliament, alongside the appointment of women councilors at the local level, has resulted in a more diverse and inclusive political environment. Women now have greater opportunities to engage in political discourse, advocate for their rights, and contribute to policy-making processes. Also, beyond numerical representation, the adoption of gender quotas in Tanzania has broader implications for societal attitudes and perceptions towards women in leadership. By challenging patriarchal norms and promoting the idea of women’s equal participation in politics, quotas contribute to a gradual transformation of societal attitudes towards gender equality (Mwakyambiki & Ndumbaro, 2023).

Furthermore, the establishment of organizations like Hakizetu, which advocate for women’s rights and empowerment, reflects the growing momentum towards promoting gender equality and social justice in Tanzanian society (Kim, 2021). These grassroots initiatives, coupled with government-led efforts to enhance women’s political participation, contribute to a more inclusive and equitable political landscape.

Looking ahead, Tanzania’s commitment to gender quotas and women’s empowerment aligns with broader international goals, such as the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (Rogers, K. E. (2023). By ensuring women’s equal participation and leadership in political and public life, Tanzania strives to achieve sustainable development and create a more just and equitable society for all its citizens.

However, despite these positive developments, Tanzania still faces challenges in fully realizing the potential of gender quotas to promote women’s political participation. Structural barriers, cultural norms, and entrenched patriarchal attitudes continue to hinder women’s access to

political leadership roles (Makalanga, 2023; Ishengoma, 2024). Additionally, the effectiveness of gender quotas may be limited without complementary measures to address broader issues of gender inequality, such as access to education, economic empowerment, and social support systems (Small & van der Meulen Rodgers, 2023).

  • Comparison of gender quota experiences between Rwanda and Tanzania

 

Rwanda’s gender quota experience is characterized by ambitious constitutional provisions mandating a minimum of 30% female representation across all decision-making organs, including parliament (Mukabera, 2019). This proactive approach, coupled with strong political will and commitment, has resulted in Rwanda becoming a global leader in women’s representation, with women occupying over 60% of seats in the lower house (Olubayo, 2020). The success of Rwanda’s gender quota system can be attributed to comprehensive legal frameworks, supportive institutional mechanisms, and collaborative efforts between government entities and women’s movements (Boahemaa, 2022).

In contrast, Tanzania’s adoption of gender quotas has been more recent and incremental, with the introduction of a 20% constitutional quota in 1998. While Tanzania has made strides in increasing women’s representation in parliament through reserved seats and local council appointments, challenges remain in fully realizing the potential of gender quotas to promote women’s political participation. Structural barriers, cultural norms, and limited resources pose significant obstacles to women’s full inclusion in decision-making processes.

Despite these differences, both Rwanda and Tanzania share common goals of enhancing women’s political representation and advancing gender equality. By examining the experiences of these two countries, policymakers and stakeholders can identify best practices, lessons learned, and areas for improvement in the implementation of gender quotas. Ultimately, a comparative analysis of gender quota experiences between Rwanda and Tanzania contributes to our understanding of the complex dynamics shaping women’s political participation in Africa and informs future efforts to promote gender equality in politics.

  • Key lessons learned and recommendations

 

Political Will and Commitment: Rwanda’s success in achieving gender parity in parliament highlights the critical role of political will and commitment in implementing effective gender quota systems. Governments must demonstrate unwavering support for gender equality

initiatives, backed by comprehensive legal frameworks and institutional mechanisms. Recommendation: Tanzanian policymakers should prioritize the enforcement of existing gender quota laws and allocate adequate resources to support women’s political participation.

Collaboration and Support: Both Rwanda and Tanzania have benefited from collaboration between government entities, civil society organizations, and international partners in advancing gender equality agendas. Such partnerships provide crucial support for women’s empowerment initiatives and contribute to the sustainability of gender quota systems. Recommendation: Strengthen partnerships between government institutions, civil society organizations, and international stakeholders to enhance support for women’s political participation and representation.

Inclusive Policies and Initiatives: Rwanda’s implementation of women-friendly policies and initiatives, such as promoting women’s economic empowerment and access to education, has contributed to enhancing women’s political autonomy and participation. Recommendation: Tanzania should emulate Rwanda’s approach by implementing inclusive policies that address structural barriers and promote women’s economic empowerment, education, and leadership development.

Changing Societal Attitudes: Gender quotas have played a crucial role in challenging patriarchal norms and transforming societal attitudes towards women’s participation in politics. By promoting the idea of women’s equal representation and leadership, quotas contribute to gradual shifts in societal perceptions. Recommendation: Implement comprehensive awareness- raising campaigns, educational programs, and media initiatives to challenge gender stereotypes and promote the value of women’s participation in politics.

Addressing Structural Barriers: Despite progress, both Rwanda and Tanzania continue to face structural barriers, cultural norms, and entrenched patriarchal attitudes that hinder women’s access to political leadership roles. Addressing these barriers requires holistic approaches that go beyond quota systems to address broader issues of gender inequality, including access to education, economic empowerment, and social support systems. Recommendation: Implement complementary measures, such as gender-sensitive education policies, economic empowerment programs, and legal reforms, to address structural barriers and promote women’s full participation in politics.

Monitoring and Evaluation: Regular monitoring and evaluation are essential to assess the effectiveness of gender quota systems, identify challenges, and track progress towards gender

equality goals. Recommendation: Establish robust monitoring and evaluation mechanisms to track the implementation of gender quotas, measure their impact on women’s political participation, and identify areas for improvement.

Conclusion

 

In conclusion, the implementation of gender quotas in Africa has emerged as a key strategy to address these disparities, with various quota systems, including legislative quotas, party quotas, and reserved seats, being adopted across the continent.

Gender inequality in political representation persists globally, rooted in patriarchal systems and societal norms. Despite advancements in gender equality, women remain underrepresented in decision-making positions. In response, countries have implemented various strategies, including gender quotas, to promote women’s participation in politics. African nations, such as Rwanda and Tanzania, have adopted gender quotas to address historical imbalances and enhance women’s political representation.

Rwanda’s gender quota experience showcases remarkable success, with women occupying over 60% of parliamentary seats. This achievement is attributed to strong political will, supportive legal frameworks, and collaborative efforts between government and civil society. In contrast, Tanzania’s adoption of gender quotas has been more recent and incremental, facing challenges such as structural barriers and cultural norms hindering women’s full inclusion in politics.

Moving forward, there is a need for comprehensive strategies to enhance women’s political representation in Africa. Policymakers should prioritize the development of gender-sensitive electoral systems, legal frameworks, and institutional mechanisms. Additionally, investment in women’s education, leadership development, and empowerment initiatives is crucial to overcome structural barriers. Strengthening partnerships between governments, civil society organizations, and international actors is essential for advancing gender equality in politics. By adopting a collaborative approach, African countries can work towards meaningful and sustainable progress in achieving gender parity in political representation.

References

 

Agbalajobi, D. (2021). Nigeria has few women in politics: here’s why, and what to do about it’. The Conversation.

Ballington, J. (2004). The Implementation of Quotas: African Experiences Quota Report

Series, https://www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/implementation-of-quotas- african-experiences.pdf

Barnes, T. (2012). Gender Quotas and the Representation of Women: Empowerment, Decision-making, and Public Policy (Doctoral dissertation, Rice University).

Bennett, C. (2014). A gender agenda: The effectiveness of quota systems in increasing women’s meaningful participation in politics. Australian Institute of International Affairs, 1-6.

Boahemaa, P. N. A. (2022). Women Participation In Political Leadership and Decision Making; The Role of National Gender Policies In Ghana and Rwanda (Master’s thesis, NTNU).

Boahemaa, P. N. A. (2022). Women Participation In Political Leadership and Decision Making; The Role of National Gender Policies In Ghana and Rwanda (Master’s thesis, NTNU).

Bosha, S. L. (2014). Quota systems and women political leadership development in Africa. Journal of African Union Studies, 3(2_3), 103-114.

Brody, A., Burnley, J., & Phyu, P. E. (2016). Political Gender Quotas: Key Debates and Values for Myanmar. Bridge, Institute of Development Studies.

Burnet, J. E. (2011). Women have found respect: Gender quotas, symbolic representation, and female empowerment in Rwanda. Politics & Gender, 7(3), 303-334.

Bush, S. S. (2011). International politics and the spread of quotas for women in legislatures. International Organization, 65(1), 103-137.

Catalano, A. (2009). Women acting for women? An analysis of gender and debate participation in the British House of Commons 2005–2007. Politics & Gender, 5(1), 45-68.

Clayton, A. (2021). How do electoral gender quotas affect policy?. Annual Review of Political Science, 24, 235-252.

Connell, R. W. (1990). The state, gender, and sexual politics: Theory and appraisal. Theory and society, 507-544.

Dahlerup, D. (2005). Increasing women’s political representation: New trends in gender quotas. Women in parliament: Beyond numbers, 141.

Devlin, C., & Elgie, R. (2008). The effect of increased women’s representation in parliament: The case of Rwanda. Parliamentary Affairs, 61(2), 237-254.

Fayomi, O. et al. (2021). Women in executive political leadership in Africa. The Palgrave Handbook of African Women’s Studies, 375-391.

Fellegi, Z., Hrbková, L., & Dubrow, J. (2023, September). Women’s political power: Global progress, persistent challenges. In Women’s Studies International Forum (p. 102818). Pergamon.

González, O. M. (2018). The role of African Institutions in promoting gender equality and the political empowerment of women. Regional Organizations, Gender Equality and the Political Empowerment of Women, 12-29.

Haider, H. (2011). Helpdesk Research Report: Effects of Political Quotas for Women. Governance and Social Development Resource Centre.

Ibokessien, N. (2020). Intersectionality in Organisations: Exploring the Relationships between Gender, Ethnicity, Religion and Women’s Work in a Postcolonial African Space (Doctoral dissertation, University of Westminster).

Ilesanmi, O. O. (2018). Women’s visibility in decision making processes in Africa—progress, challenges, and way forward. Frontiers in Sociology, 3, 38.

Ishengoma, D. J. (2024). Community radio in breaking the silence of gender-based violence in Tanzania: An analysis of Sengerema community radio. Journal of Applied Journalism & Media Studies.

James, R. et al. (2023). Gender bias and inequity holds women back in their conservation careers. Frontiers in Environmental Science, 10, 1056751.

Kanakuze, J. (2004). The challenge of implementation and enforcement in Rwanda. In Collaboration with, 96.

Kim, C. H. (2021). Kim II Sung (1912–1994): Partisan from the Edges of Empire. In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism (pp. 1469-1478). Cham: Springer International Publishing.

Krook, M. L., & Norris, P. (2014). Beyond quotas: Strategies to promote gender equality in elected office. Political Studies, 62(1), 2-20.

Lihiru, V. M. (2022). Exploring Suitable Electoral Systems for Promotion of Women’s Representation in Tanzania and Rwanda. African Studies Quarterly, 21(3).

Makalanga, L. B. (2023). Women’s Representation in Tanzania LGAs: Achievements and Limitations. Tanzania Journal of Development Studies, 21(1).

May S. P. (2016). POLITICAL GENDER QUOTAS, https://www-cdn.oxfam.org/s3fs- public/file_attachments/dp-political-gende-quotas-myanmar-280516-en.pdf

Mbunda, C., Phillipo, F., & Nzali, A. (2023). Institutional Barriers to Women Contesting for Political Positions, A Case of Iringa Municipality in Tanzania. Archives of Current Research International, 23(8), 1-10.

Mukabera, J. (2019). Woman’s political representation in Rwanda: analysing how Quota System increases female leadership and changes patriarchal society towards Gender Equality. African Journal of Democracy and Governance, 6(2-3), 134-164.

Mukabera, J. (2019). Woman’s political representation in Rwanda: analysing how Quota System increases female leadership and changes patriarchal society towards Gender Equality. African Journal of Democracy and Governance, 6(2-3), 134-164.

Mutume, G. (2004). Women Break into African Politics. Quota Systems Allow More Women to Gain Elected Office. Africa Recovery, 18(1).

Mwakyambiki, S., & Ndumbaro, R. (2023). Stereotypes that prevent women from pursuing leadership positions: a case study of selected Tanzanian women.

Nation. (2021). How countries that pioneered electoral gender quota are fairing, https://nation.africa/kenya/gender/how-countries-that-pioneered-electoral-gender- quota-

arefairing3596302?view=htmlamp& cf_chl_captcha_tk =JG53OyGZ.35nBa_XLi ydS79Yt4BB.PsgZPMtFtJ9qvI-1638273787-0-gaNycGzNCKU

Ocran, R. K. (2014). Women’s political participation: a comparative study on Ghana and Tanzania (Master’s thesis, Itä-Suomen yliopisto).

Ogunbodede, N. E. (2023). Making Women Count: an Appraisal of Women-centered Policies of Nigeria Political Parties. DHS-Društvene i humanističke studije: časopis Filozofskog fakulteta u Tuzli, 23(23), 417-440.

Okedele, A. (2021). Women, quotas, and affirmative action policies in Africa. The Palgrave Handbook of African Women’s Studies, 449-463.

Olubayo, P. (2020). The Battle Between Human Rights and Development in Post-Conflict Situations: Assessed Through the Lens of the Rwandan Model.

Piscopo, J. M. (2011). Rethinking descriptive representation: Rendering women in legislative debates. Parliamentary Affairs, 64(3), 448-472.

Rogers, K. E. (2023). Between Tradition and Transformation: A Feminist Investigation of the Role of Pastoral Women within Tanzania’s Integrated Environment and Development Landscape.

Rwigema, P. C. (2022). Leadership and governance for economic development. Case of Rwanda. The Strategic Journal of Business & Change Management, 9(2), 1177-1192.

Senent Venerdi, T. (2023). Rwanda’s path to gender equality: achievements, challenges, and the need for social transformation.

Shangare, A. R. T. (2022). The insufficiency of the quota system: a reconceptualisation and meso-analysis of women’s political empowerment in Africa (Doctoral dissertation, University of Pretoria).

Shvedova, N. (2005). Obstacles to women’s participation in parliament. Women in parliament: Beyond numbers, 33(1), 22-45.

Small, S. F., & van der Meulen Rodgers, Y. (2023). The gendered effects of investing in physical and social infrastructure. World Development, 171, 106347.

Swers, M. L. (2002). The difference women make: The policy impact of women in Congress.

University of Chicago Press.

Teele, D. L., Kalla, J., & Rosenbluth, F. (2018). The ties that double bind: social roles and women’s underrepresentation in politics. American Political Science Review, 112(3), 525-541.

Tøraasen, M. (2017). Gender parity in Senegal–A continuing struggle. Available at SSRN 3648097. Guariso, A., Ingelaere, B., & Verpoorten, M. (2017). Female political representation in the aftermath of ethnic violence: A comparative analysis of Burundi and Rwanda (No. 2017/74). WIDER Working Paper.

Villaverde, M. G. (2023). Gender Policies in Post-Genocide Rwanda: Empowerment or Political Strategy?. Comillas Journal of International Relations, (27), 122-135.

Villaverde, M. G. (2023). Gender Policies in Post-Genocide Rwanda: Empowerment or Political Strategy?. Comillas Journal of International Relations, (27), 122-135.

Wang, V., & Yoon, M. Y. (2018). Recruitment mechanisms for reserved seats for women in parliament and switches to non-quota seats: a comparative study of Tanzania and Uganda. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 56(2), 299-324.

Work, A. N. (2023). Instituting Equality: Women’s Policy Agencies in the Fight Against Gender-Based Violence (Doctoral dissertation, The University of Arizona).

Zeinali, Z., Muraya, K., Molyneux, S., & Morgan, R. (2022). The use of intersectional analysis in assessing women’s leadership progress in the health workforce in LMICs: a review. International journal of health policy and management, 11(8), 1262

Disclaimer

The opinions presented herein are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of CSSR-A. While efforts are made to ensure the accuracy of the information provided, no liability is assumed for any loss or damage resulting from reliance on the contents of this article.